Something is not adding up at Somalia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and diplomats around the world have started to notice.
This is supposed to be a moment of momentum. After decades of isolation, Somalia has clawed its way back into international diplomacy. Somalia has secured debt relief. Embassies are reopening.
The country is preparing for a rare moment of global visibility in January 2026, when it will assume the presidency of the United Nations Security Council. That role is not symbolic. It demands discipline, coherence, and credibility.
Yet Somalia’s foreign policy has drifted. Quietly at first. Then visibly. And now, alarmingly.
At the center of the problem are three senior ministers who effectively run the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, alongside a permanent secretary who has failed to impose professional order or institutional clarity.
Together, their stewardship has produced a year marked by confusion, mixed signals, and avoidable diplomatic mishaps that nearly pushed a recovering nation to the brink of political strain.
Foreign policy is not an arena for improvisation. It is a technical discipline built on coordination, institutional memory, and judgment. Somalia has seen too little of those qualities.
A pattern of missteps
Throughout 2025, Somalia lurched from one diplomatic misstep to another. Key partners received contradictory messages from Mogadishu within days, sometimes hours.
Officials made commitments behind closed doors, then contradicted them in public forums. Leaders left ambassadors without clear guidance, exposed them to speculation, and forced them to explain inconsistencies they did not create.
In one case, a regional dispute escalated unnecessarily, not because Somalia’s position lacked merit, but because officials communicated it poorly and without coordination. In another, a delegation arrived at a multilateral meeting underprepared and without unified talking points, leaving allies confused about Somalia’s priorities and seriousness.
These were not isolated errors. Instead, they reflected deeper dysfunction within the ministry: decision-making concentrated around personalities rather than systems, career diplomats sidelined, technical experts ignored, and policy shaped by impulse rather than analysis.
Meanwhile, the permanent secretary, whose role should be to ensure continuity, professionalism, and internal discipline, has presided over drift and internal paralysis.
As a result, the cost has been trust.
Diplomacy runs on predictability. When partners cannot rely on a country’s word or understand who speaks with authority, they hesitate. They hedge. They disengage. Somalia cannot afford that at a moment when security cooperation, investment, and regional diplomacy are not optional but existential.
What makes this failure more frustrating is that Somalia has the talent. Seasoned diplomats, trained negotiators, and professionals with deep multilateral experience now find themselves marginalized or ignored.
Some have stepped back in quiet frustration. Others have been pushed aside in favor of loyalty over competence. In effect, the ministry has become simultaneously top-heavy and institutionally hollow.
January 2026 is a test
This would worry anyone in any year. In this one, it is reckless.
The Security Council presidency in January 2026 will place Somalia at the center of global decision-making. The world will scrutinize every statement.
People will notice every procedural mistake. The chair does not get to wing it. It must manage complex crises, coordinate among powerful states, and speak with clarity on issues far beyond Somalia’s borders.
Right now, the ministry is not ready for that responsibility.
This is not about personalities. It is about performance. Foreign ministries are judged by outcomes, not intentions. And the outcomes of 2025 point to leadership failure at the top.
Responsibility ultimately rests with the federal leadership. The president and the prime minister cannot distance themselves from this breakdown. They have invested heavily in restoring Somalia’s international standing. Now that investment is at risk of being squandered.
A clean reset
The solution is no longer subtle. The president and the prime minister must decisively sack all three ministers overseeing foreign affairs and remove the current permanent secretary. Incremental fixes will not work. Cosmetic reshuffles will not restore confidence. Somalia needs a clean reset.
They must appoint competent, seasoned diplomats with proven experience in multilateral diplomacy, crisis management, and institutional leadership. Professionals who understand the process. Leaders who respect career staff. Individuals who can run the ministry without embarrassment and represent Somalia with seriousness and discipline.
This is not about politics. It is about national credibility.
Leadership means acting before a crisis forces your hand. Replacing senior officials is uncomfortable, especially in a fragile political environment. But delay is more dangerous. Every month of inaction deepens the damage and narrows the window for recovery.
Competence in foreign policy is not optional. It is a national security requirement.
Somalia does not need louder rhetoric or more press statements. It needs a foreign ministry that plans, coordinates, and executes. One that speaks clearly, once, and with authority. One that treats January 2026 as a defining test, not a ceremonial moment.
History will be unforgiving if this opportunity is wasted. The window is still open, but it is closing fast.
The only remaining question is whether Somalia’s leadership will act now, or arrive on the world’s most important diplomatic stage unprepared, exposed, and diminished.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Somalia Today.
