Addis-Ababa (Somalia Today) — Ethiopia’s foreign minister declared on Tuesday that the country’s push for direct access to the sea is a “generational” national cause that must unite citizens beyond party politics, as renewed regional tensions put maritime access back at the center of Horn of Africa diplomacy.
Foreign Minister Gedion Timothewos, addressing the House of Peoples’ Representatives during a question-and-answer session, said the drive for a “sea outlet” is rooted in long-term strategic planning and that Ethiopia will advance it through diplomacy and peaceful engagement, according to state media.
“Everyone must stand together” on the issue, Gedion said, describing sea access as a non-negotiable national priority linked to security and the survival of coming generations.
Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous country, became landlocked after Eritrea gained independence in 1993.
It currently routes the overwhelming majority of its international trade through neighboring Djibouti—a dependency Addis Ababa argues is costly and strategically vulnerable.
The World Bank estimates that more than 95 percent of Ethiopia’s import-export trade by volume flows through the Addis Ababa–Djibouti corridor. The artery includes road and rail links to the Port of Djibouti.
Gedion told lawmakers that Ethiopia is working to strengthen economic interdependence with neighbors through infrastructure, including electricity exports, railways, and other development projects.
He said the government remains committed to a long-term resolution for direct maritime access, adding that Ethiopian diplomatic missions are engaging “at multiple levels” to explain the legitimacy and fairness of Ethiopia’s case to the international community.
‘Existential’ rhetoric
Rhetoric from senior Ethiopian officials has recently sharpened the sea access debate.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly described access to the Red Sea as an “existential” issue for Ethiopia. The language has periodically raised fears in the region that Addis Ababa could pursue coercive options, particularly involving Eritrea’s coastline.
In March, Abiy sought to calm tensions, stating Ethiopia would not go to war with Eritrea over sea access and insisting Addis Ababa sought a peaceful solution through dialogue.
The remarks followed reports of military movements and mobilization that had fueled speculation about a new conflict along the tense border.
AFP Fact Check reported earlier this year that viral social media claims purporting to show Ethiopian forces “regaining” the Eritrean port of Assab were false. The episode underscored how quickly the maritime issue can inflame public narratives in the Horn.
Eritrea has previously accused Ethiopia of threatening its territory as sea-access rhetoric intensified. Analysts warn that a miscalculation could destabilize a region already battered by the war in Sudan and recurring internal conflicts.
Somaliland MoU
Ethiopia’s most ambitious recent attempt to secure a maritime corridor came on January 1, 2024, when it signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland, the self-declared republic that broke away from Somalia in 1991.
Under the agreement, Somaliland would provide Ethiopia access to a stretch of coastline for commercial and naval purposes. Officials in Hargeisa stated the deal envisaged eventual Ethiopian recognition of Somaliland’s independence.
Somalia immediately rejected the pact as illegal, asserting that Somaliland had no authority to enter into such an agreement. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud later signed legislation nullifying the deal.
The dispute triggered a sharp diplomatic crisis between Addis Ababa and Mogadishu, with Somalia warning it would defend its sovereignty if Ethiopia proceeded. Regional observers cautioned that the row could draw in rival powers with interests in the Red Sea.
The International Crisis Group noted that the MoU aggravated tensions and risked “reverberations” across the Horn. It said competition among regional and external actors has often played out through port politics and security alignments.
In December 2024, Ethiopia and Somalia signed the Ankara Declaration, facilitated by Turkey, aimed at ending the crisis and resetting ties. Both sides reaffirmed respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The declaration envisaged technical negotiations to identify a framework that could allow Ethiopia “reliable, secure, and sustainable access to the sea” while addressing Somalia’s insistence that any outcome preserve its unity.
Ethiopian and Somali delegations later held talks in Ankara, led by Gedion and Somalia’s state minister for foreign affairs. Turkey described the discussions as a constructive start and said further negotiations were planned.
Israel-Somaliland
The issue returned to the headlines in recent days after Israel formally recognized Somaliland as an independent state on December 26. Somalia condemned the move, which sparked protests across the country and an emergency debate at the UN Security Council.
At a press conference in Istanbul on Tuesday alongside Somalia’s president, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan denounced Israel’s decision as illegal and unacceptable, warning it could destabilize the Horn of Africa.
In Addis Ababa, the development dominated Tuesday’s parliamentary session. Opposition MP Abebaw Desale, representing the National Movement of Amhara (NaMA), asked whether Ethiopia had been diplomatically “outrun” by Israel.
“Israel has become the first country to recognize Somaliland,” Abebaw said. “Are we going to be the second country to do so? What is the status of our own agreement?”
However, Foreign Minister Gedion and his deputy declined to address the Somaliland question directly.
State-linked accounts of the session focused instead on Gedion’s insistence that Ethiopia maintains good relations with most neighbors and will continue to pursue its interests through diplomacy and regional connectivity projects.
A national debate
Ethiopia’s leaders have long argued that a country of more than 120 million people cannot remain permanently dependent on external ports for trade and security. They cite the strategic importance of the Red Sea shipping lanes to global commerce.
Djibouti has been Ethiopia’s principal gateway since the Ethiopia-Eritrea war, and Reuters reported in 2018 that Djibouti handled roughly 95 percent of Ethiopia’s inbound trade.
But Addis Ababa has also pursued alternatives, including investments and negotiations tied to regional ports and transport corridors. It has emphasized that any sea-access arrangement should be achieved peacefully.
On Tuesday, Gedion framed the sea outlet as a national project that should be defended “at every available opportunity,” urging Ethiopians to present a unified position to the international community.
